Tripoli Agreement Mindanao

Not only was the Tripoli agreement mindanao`s first autonomous region, but it also symbolized the extremely permanent, open and cluttered nature of the Mindanao peace process. The agreement also marked the beginning of the internationalization of internal conflict resolution in the Philippines, an abandonment of the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Convention on Non-Interference in Member States` Internal Conflicts. The new strategy has been the facilitation and mediation of international bodies such as the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the good offices of a foreign government – the Libyan government. Given that the signing of an agreement with the MNLF, at the request of a world power like the OIC, was not a minor concession for Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos, the agreement was seen as a Pyrrhic victory for the MNLF and a breakthrough for peace. But it has only given False Hope to Filipino voters for peace and has not kept its promise. Among the facilitators of the agreement were members of the quadripartite ministerial commission of the Organization of the Islamic Conference headed by Ali Abdussalam Treki, who represented Muammar Gaddafi, the head of the host country, and OIC Secretary General Amadou Karim Gaye. [4] Other members of the quadripartite ministerial commission included, in addition to Treki, representatives from Saudi Arabia, Senegal and Somalia. [1] During the negotiations, Marcos noted in his diary that Misuari and Libyan diplomat Ali Treki have repeatedly insisted that “all of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan be organized in one region. But they are ready to put this to a referendum. [8] Marcos was inclined to approve of it, believing that “Palawan, the three Davaos, the two Surigaos, the two Agusans, Southern Cotabato, Bukidnon, the two Misamis, perhaps Lanao del Norte, Zamboanga del Norte and others”[8] do not want to be admitted to the Muslim autonomous region. The day before the agreement was signed, negotiations broke down and Gaddafi asked Imelda Marcos to return to Libya to speed up the talks. Mr. Imelda managed to convince the Libyan leader by telephone to accept the Philippine president`s proposal to “submit the question of autonomy to the constitutional process of the Philippines”[9] for the thirteen provinces.

The agreement was signed the next day. Despite a number of lobbyings and some community consultations, the new BBL version received very little support from the legislator. Both houses of Congress mutilated the BTC version and continued to undermine the intention to grant real autonomy to the Bangsamoro – the main reason for all previous agreements, especially the Tripoli agreement. Ferdinand Marcos would then have to implement the agreement by creating two autonomous regions (instead of one) composed of ten (instead of thirteen). This led to the collapse of the peace pact and the resumption of hostilities between the MNLF and Philippine government forces. [10] [11] In the same year, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, which had split from the MNLF in 1977, began informal discussions with the Ramos-led government. However, the latter were not followed and the MILF began to recruit and establish camps and became a dominant Muslim rebel group. Joseph Estrada`s government had a tough stance towards the MILF; Gloria Macapagal Arroyo`s attempted to sign a peace agreement with her, but it was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the Philippines. [12] The 1976 Tripoli Agreement was signed on December 23, 1976 in Tripoli, Libya, by Carmelo Z. Barbero, representative of the Philippine government, and Nur Misuari, of the Moro National Liberation Front.

[1] The agreement set out autonomous administrative arrangements for Muslims in the southern Philippines, the creation of an autonomous government, a Sharia judicial system and special security forces, and the observance of a ceasefire. [2] The autonomous region should have its own economic system, including an Islamic bank. [3] After the signing of the Tripoli Agreement, some of the founding members of the MNLF, such as Ustadz Salamat Hashim, decided to create their own group. . . .